Are Judge Ronit Poznanski-Katz and Israel Police Commissioner Insp. Gen. Roni Alsheikh the Likud's campaign managers? Apparently not, but they are certainly worthy of the title. It seems the boundary lines for the political battlefield have been exposed over the past two-three weeks. Essentially, the election campaign has already begun.
The investigations into the prime minister have changed shape. It is now a fight between the elected government, the legitimate political system, and the establishments. Some refer to these establishments as the gatekeepers. Almost all of them have stood in stringent opposition to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in recent years. The defense establishment, as detailed by Amir Tibon in his extensive piece in Politico around a year and a half ago; the judiciary establishment; the media establishment, the cultural establishment, the academic establishment … I hope I haven't forgotten anyone.
Today all of these are coalescing to form an election campaign that will focus on one unique, fundamental matter. The prime minister is calling it "selective enforcement" (why are Yair Lapid and Tzipi Livni not suspects, and why does it seem the police has put the Likud in its crosshairs). The Left and Center will harness their efforts on behalf of the "rule of law," that is to say they will fight against "government corruption." The loss of legitimacy for the judicial-police process will enable coalition heads to adhere to the Basic Law: The Government, which stipulates that the prime minister doesn't have to resign due to the attorney general's decision to issue an indictment. If such a decision is made, it will only serve as tinder for the political flame.
It shouldn't come as a surprise if this specific issue, which encapsulates the Right's difficulties and grievances in Israeli society, leads to Netanyahu's greatest victory to date. This is not a certainty, however. What the pundits fail to see beyond the haze of dirt and grime is the strategic political objective behind this battle. Apparently, only two people get it – former Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Netanyahu himself.
Ultimately, Netanyahu is waging a colossal fight to bring a long-term gambit to fruition, which can actually be expedited in the coming years with the help of an unexpected friend in the White House. The goal is to turn the table on the Palestinian issue; to squash the Palestinian campaign of political propaganda. This approach was developed by American researcher Daniel Pipes, and we can assume the prime minister endorses it within certain parameters. What happens in the aftermath of such a victory isn't clear. But Israel, in this circumstance, should pursue negotiations to resolve the conflict from a position of strength.
Barak thinks this is a disaster. In his outrageous article in The New York Times last December, he wrote: "The government realizes that carrying out its one-state plan must entail steps and practices that necessarily clash with Israeli and international law – which is why it has effectively declared war on the Supreme Court of Israel, the free press and civil society, as well as the Israel Defense Forces' ethical code."
Because Netanyahu is the only person who can lead a decisive diplomatic process on the Palestinian issue, while Barak and the Left plan to engage in unilateral disengagement, a situation could emerge where Netanyahu leads diplomatic moves while entangled in legal matters.
