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Isi Leibler

Isi Leibler's website can be viewed at www.wordfromjerusalem.com. He may be contacted at ileibler@leibler.com.

The national interest in the upcoming election

Despite the high-pitched abuse being exchanged between Likud and Blue and White, paradoxically, this election highlights the nation's unity. Blue and White's platform barely differs from the current government's policies.

This election is about whether we are willing to accept Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for another term.

Netanyahu's principal assets are his opponents' inexperience and reputation as political lightweights.

Meanwhile, the biggest obstacle to Netanyahu's re-election appears to be the mandates lost by right-wing parties not passing the electoral threshold. Netanyahu's role in convincing Habayit Hayehudi to merge with the extremist Otzma Yehudit – to avoid both parties falling below the threshold – disgusted many. That Netanyahu was forced to promote such an unholy union is the result of a dysfunctional political system. The solution would be to adopt a second party preference system whereby voters elect a second party if their first choice did not pass the threshold, but also to raise the threshold to 5% or even 10%, preventing sectarian parties from holding the balance of power.

It is noteworthy that the High Court overturned the Central Elections Committee's decision to disqualify the Arab parties that justify terrorism and oppose a Jewish state but barred Otzma Yehudit head Michael Ben-Ari. The clear bias of this ruling provides ammunition to those seeking to undermine the High Court's standing.

Netanyahu sparked an upheaval when he warned that if the Right does not obtain a clear majority, a Blue and White government could only be formed with tacit support from the Arab parties. He described this as a catastrophe - for which he was accused of racism.

All the Arab parties support the elimination of Zionism. Some wish for Israel's transformation into a binational state. Others are even more radical, excusing terrorism and identifying with our adversaries in what could be considered treason.

It is totally legitimate for Netanyahu to say that voters face a choice: either a Netanyahu government that does not rely on support from extremist Arab parties or a Gantz government that does necessitate the tacit support of at least one extremist Arab party.

Blue and White's initial surge in the polls, subsequent to the announcement of the state attorney's intention to indict Netanyahu, came as no surprise. But over the last week, support for Likud and its right-wing allies seemed to be increasing.

So long as there are confused messages, Blue and White's popularity will likely continue to slip. Given the contradictory and irreconcilable positions of key personalities in the party, it is difficult to see how it will retain any coherent policy. The hysterical response to the embarrassing exposure of Iran's hacking of Gantz's phone also did not improve his public standing.

The latest effort to cast aspersions on Netanyahu regarding the submarine issue may have found favorable short-term coverage in the media desperately seeking to demonize him but it is doubtful this can be sustained. If anything, it points to the lack of any real substance in the Blue and White campaign. Despite facing a confrontational interviewer, Netanyahu's performance at a surprise visit to the Channel 12 TV studio on Saturday night was calm and measured and he successfully presented his strong case. His mistake, however, was the failure to realize that the subsequent media reports would grossly distort the interview.

Many are demanding that Netanyahu step down if he is indicted. Yet, noted Democrat and civil liberties lawyer Alan Dershowitz surmises that none of the charges will likely be upheld in court.

That these indictments were released on the eve of the election, following years of endless investigations and leaks, may have the reverse effect of rallying his base.

Ultimately, the election will be a referendum on whether the public supports Netanyahu despite the massive "just not Bibi" campaign.

There are many reasons to reject him. There is a widespread feeling that it is time for change after 10 years. And how can the prime minister apply himself to his task when his focus is constantly diverted to defend corruption allegations?

I have never written a column suggesting how readers should vote. Today is an exception. While there is a consensus on the basic direction for this country, the leader's selection is nevertheless crucial. And currently, not one of the other candidates has qualifications even remotely matching those of Netanyahu.

In a country not facing existential threats, voters should display their disdain of a candidate if they are offended by his behavior. And yes, nobody is irreplaceable and there is a time to retire.

But Israel's amazing position on the world stage today is the achievement of a diplomatically skilled leader of international standing and superior intellect. Just as Netanyahu skillfully confronted the pressures of U.S. President Barack Obama, so he has interfaced effectively with President Donald Trump. In addition, he has created an unprecedented diplomatic relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin and has developed strategic ties with India, China, Latin America, Africa and even Gulf Arab states.

It would thus be an awesome gamble now to replace Netanyahu with an inexperienced leader.

Israelis should set aside their personal feelings about Netanyahu and even those who despise him should recognize that his re-election is in the national interest.

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