We should pinch ourselves to be certain that our current position is not a dream: The US administration is promoting Israel's narrative and exposing Palestinian lies. Its peace plan rejects previously demanded concessions that would have led to the Jewish state's demise; Iran faces massive global sanctions; Russian President Putin, despite ties with Syria and Iran, cooperates with Israel and recognizes its security needs, and Israel has unprecedented links with India, China, and many other countries around the world.
Moreover, moderate Sunni neighbors have open or covert relations with Israel; Israel has become a major exporter of energy and water desalination systems; Israel's defense forces can, if necessary, defeat all our adversaries combined, and Israel's resilient economy is enjoying historically low unemployment and sustained growth.
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Nevertheless, we face challenges: Peace with the Palestinians remains distant; Iran poses an existential threat to Israel; Hezbollah remains a security threat; integration of the ultra-Orthodox into the workforce is becoming increasingly crucial; the Chief Rabbinate remains in the hands of extremist rabbis, and We seem unable to elect a government.
The US Democratic Party is increasingly anti-Israel, as reflected in the histrionic remarks of the current Democratic frontrunner for president, Bernie Sanders. The threat to Israel of a Sanders presidency is far greater than that of a Corbyn premiership in the UK.
The six months following our upcoming election will be crucial to maximizing the opportunity presented by the Trump peace plan. The leaders of Likud and Blue and White must unite to implement it. Once an Israeli national unity government, in coordination with the US, has extended sovereignty to the major settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley, it will be very complex even for a hostile US administration to reverse the situation.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu deserves credit for the formulation of the plan. It is difficult to envisage Blue and White leader Benny Gantz maintaining such a close relationship with Trump, particularly when the latter will be focused on his own re-election.
After the previous election, Netanyahu offered to step down after six months if Blue and White would agree to a unity government. Had Gantz agreed, he would be about to become prime minister without the need for further elections.
Gantz should be relieved not to become prime minister at this time. He does not inspire confidence that he has the finesse to navigate a political minefield in which we would need to engage not only with Trump but also Putin, the UK, Asia, the EU, and moderate Sunni states, to advance the peace plan. But if Gantz and Netanyahu were to put the joint weight of their two parties behind it, it would be clear to all that Trump's plan is the only viable option on the table.
Even Netanyahu's detractors concede his diplomatic brilliance. He is the best equipped to finalize negotiations with the Americans, reinforce the relationship with the Russians and mature the alliance with moderate Sunni states.
If, after the election, Netanyahu repeats his offer, Gantz should accept (even if it means splitting from Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid) and work with Netanyahu to ensure that the parameters of Trump's plan are in place before succeeding him.
Such a scenario would also enable Netanyahu to retire in honor with an unmatched legacy while available to address his legal troubles unencumbered by the office of prime minister.
Should our leaders fail to come to such an accommodation, they will go down in history as having betrayed and endangered the nation.
