Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has never hesitated to get into the trenches and fight dirty with his political life on the line. But foreign policy, not retail politics, remains his strong suit.
In an announcement that must have shocked his opponents, and in particular Blue and White party leader Benny Gantz, whose chances of being able to form a governing coalition appear to be shrinking along with the once-healthy lead he had over the Likud, the government announced Netanyahu would be traveling to Moscow for a brief working meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin just five days before Israelis go to the polls.
The initial reaction to the news from some on the left was to claim that Putin was intervening in the election. But while those trying to argue that the prime minister is a puppet of the Russian autocrat are peddling conspiracy theories, those who think Putin would prefer Netanyahu remain in office are not wrong.
While there is certainly much for Netanyahu and Putin to talk about, the timing of the meeting is politically motivated. The Russians are providing the prime minister with an opportunity to showcase his command of the world stage at a moment when that can only help him with the voters. The only plausible explanation for this is that Putin wants to do Netanyahu a favor.
But the reason for this preference doesn't have anything to do with crackpot theories that hold that Netanyahu is part of an international league of authoritarians in which he and U.S. President Donald Trump, operating under the supervision of Putin, are plotting to undermine democracy. Rather, it is an acknowledgment that the situation in Syria is so dangerous that the Russians are concerned by the possibility of Israeli policy being directed by an inexperienced leader.
In Netanyahu, the Russians have an adversary who advocates for policies with which they don't agree – such as trying to force Putin's Iranian allies out of Syria, and insisting Israel will carry out strikes on Syrian territory aimed at stopping both Tehran and its Hezbollah auxiliaries from accumulating too much power – but whom they nevertheless trust won't go too far. The Russians worry Gantz might overreact in a crisis because of the need to answer criticism from those who under a Blue and White government would be right-wing members of the opposition but under Netanyahu, would be junior coalition partners.
In contrast to the close relations that Netanyahu has with Trump, whose actions have also made it abundantly clear he favors the prime minister's re-election, Putin and Israel share only one common goal or interest with Israel except one: avoiding an escalation in Syria. With so much invested there in terms of troop deployments and prestige, the stakes are so high that the Russians believe they are better off dealing with the tough customer they know than having to worry about a diplomatic novice, even one as thoroughly versed in security issues as former Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Gantz. Above all, Putin has come to trust in Netanyahu's innate caution when it comes to deploying Israel's considerable military strength.
Rather than being an example of collusion with Russia – a specious charge that some of those who resent the American efforts to bolster Netanyahu have also raised with respect to current U.S. foreign policy – the fact that both Washington and Moscow are in agreement about their desired outcome in the April 9 elections says a lot more about Netanyahu's deft handling of Israel's foreign policy than anything else.
Although he is routinely blasted in liberal American circles as a hard-liner bent only on avoiding peace with the Palestinians, Netanyahu should be acknowledged as the most skillful diplomat to ever lead his country.
One of the most underreported stories in the past 10 years has been the progress made on Netanyahu's watch with respect to foiling efforts to isolate Israel. The prime minister has helped his country achieve breakthroughs with Third World nations in Africa, as well as in Eastern Europe and South America. His achievements also include creating close working relations with Arab nations who were virulent enemies, but now look to the Jewish state as an ally against Iran and Islamist terror groups – something that cannot be underestimated.
A number of these developments are the result of actions that were beyond Israel's power to control, such as then-U.S. President Barack Obama's appeasement of Iran or the Arab Spring protests in 2011 that led to chaos and war in Syria. But there is no doubt that Netanyahu took advantage of the opportunities offered to Israel by events that have otherwise presented a clear threat to the country's security.
Many still focus on Netanyahu's terrible relationship with Obama and point to his decision to address U.S. Congress about the dangers of the nuclear deal with Iran at the invitation of the Republicans. But while that speech did more harm than good in terms of persuading Congress to reject the agreement, the breakdown of relations with America during the last administration was the fault of Obama, not Netanyahu's efforts to push back against a president who wanted more daylight between the two allies and thought he had to "save Israel from itself."
It remains to be seen what either Trump or Putin will ask something in return for these favors if Netanyahu wins re-election. But the prime minister trusts in his ability to talk his way out of those dilemmas once he gets there.
After so many foreign efforts to oust him in past elections, Netanyahu welcomes the international support. He has done his best to cultivate the myth that he is his country's indispensable man, and his ability to get Trump to recognize Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights and Putin to acquiesce to military strikes in Syria reinforce that somewhat fanciful claim. It won't decide Israel's election, but both Washington and Moscow prefer Netanyahu's experience to Gantz's learning curve.
Netanyahu might not be the only person who can cope with dangerous foes on Israel's borders and a not-so-friendly power like Russia firmly ensconced in Syria. Still, there's no denying the value of having someone that both Washington and Moscow trust leading the Jewish state.
This article is reprinted with permission from JNS.org.
