Israel isn't the only place where looming elections have created a charged political atmosphere. On November 8, one week after Israelis go to the voting stations, Americans will cast their votes in the midterm elections for senators, attorney generals, members of Congress, and other public officials.
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In many cases, however, the winner of a Congressional race is projected far in advance. Not because the race is fixed, but because the political makeup of most voting districts is established. In recent years, both Democrats and Republican parties have redrawn, usually through agreement, the boundaries of voting districts in many states. The new maps of voting districts often seem quite strange, because they were determined by political considerations.
In the vast majority of districts, as stated, even after these new delineations, it is known with virtual certainty whether a Democrat or Republican will win. To be sure, the identity of the winner is very often decided in the early primaries, which are currently at their peak, way before the actual midterm vote.
These primary races are very important to Israel, particularly on the Democratic side of the aisle, as on the Republican side support for Israel is effectively unanimous. When it comes to the Democrats, however, certain activist groups and candidates are hostile to Israel. Last summer, the Democratic leadership had to circumvent an initiative by the party's radical camp to secure funding for the Iron Dome defense system.
This trauma, alongside other measures pursued by the likes of Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar, Andy Levin, and others, hasn't been forgotten by Israel's supporters in the Democratic Party – who do exist and are even well represented.
Therefore, they are using this time period to focus on districts where they can advance pro-Israel candidates and push out detractors of the Jewish state. One of the more interesting battles took place on Tuesday, in Maryland's 4th Congressional District – a heavily Democratic black-majority district.
Two prominent candidates reached the Democratic finish line: Former county prosecutor Glenn Ivey and Rep. Donna Edwards, who previously held the seat. Ivey emerged victorious. Both hold progressive-liberal views, such that one significant issue separated them: Israel.
During her time in Congress, Edwards abstained from three crucial votes supporting Israel's right to self-defense and resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through negotiations. From the perspective of the Jewish community, her actions signaled significant hostility toward Israel. The community's centrists consequently rallied against her – and there are influential Jews in the district.
Ivey, who doesn't have an anti-Israel record, was therefore strongly backed by Israel supporters, including AIPAC and the Democratic Majority for Israel lobby groups, who invested no less than $5.5 million to help him win. His campaign didn't center on Israel at all, because the issue isn't the main consideration for the district's residents.
"We transmit the message that will be the most effective in mobilizing voters," said Mark Mellman, the head of the Democratic Majority for Israel lobby, a highly esteemed political strategist in the US, and a pollster and consultant to Prime Minister Yair Lapid.
Edwards, though, also had Jewish supporters. To counter AIPAC's millions, the dovish Jewish American J Street lobby, which says it is pro-Israel, helped fund her campaign ads.
Thus, the race for one of America's 435 Congressional Districts became a battleground between two Jewish lobbies within the Democratic Party. This wasn't their first confrontation and won't be their last. On August 2, even more highly contested races in several districts in Michigan and other states will be decided.
These races aren't just between Democrats and Republicans, but between the supporters and detractors of Israel within the Democratic Party.
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