In contrast to the current bon ton in the media and the pressure that the IDF is exerting on the government, the ambiguity regarding Gaza's fate on the day after the war is currently good for Israel. It is mainly good for the fighters and the public; meaning, for the frontline and the civilians back home. It is good because it currently helps preserve the unity that is so vital there and here.
While the goals – eliminating Hamas and its military and civilian infrastructure, alongside releasing the captives – enjoy consensus, the day-after scenarios stir debate and controversy, weaken the fighters and may hinder the achieving of the goals of the war itself.
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Some fighters believe that handing over the strip to the Palestinian Authority – worts and all – is the only existing solution. In contrast, there are many fighters who are frustrated by the prospect of having an entity like the PA return – an entity whose hostility towards Israel is inherent; refuses to condemn the massacre; whose residents openly identify with Hamas, and whose security personnel are partners in attacks against Israel. The soldiers have made it clear already that they did not go out to fight for the sake of returning the PA to Gaza.
The issue of Gush Katif also divides public opinion. Indeed, there are quite a few who dream of reestablishing Gush Katif, at least partially, and correcting the folly of the Disengagement Plan that had the settlements there removed. Such talk is quite prevalent in the networks and also in soldiers' graffiti in Gaza.
In contrast, many of the soldiers believe this is an unimplementable fantasy that only undermines what Israel has achieved thus far. These soldiers note that reestablishing Gush Katif is not among the goals of the war, and not what the troops have been sent to battle for.
Between these two extremes various other ideas for the day after are mentioned, in which the IDF, Egypt, Arab multinational forces, Western multinational forces, or local Gazan elements that would take over the reins in Gaza are combined; ideas which also have supporters and opponents.
Between these two extreme scenarios, a variety of other ideas for the day after are mentioned, in which the IDF, Egypt, Arab multinational forces, Western multinational forces, or local Gaza elements, will take over the reins in Gaza. These are ideas that also have supporters and opponents.
A decision now in either direction would weaken the hands of the fighters who may oppose such a direction. Even if not said aloud, the talk of a decision is already seeping in and hurting the troops' motivation determination, and unity of purpose – victory, which is still far from achieved.
The time for discussion of the day after will still arrive, but engaging in such matters will be counterproductive and also threaten the continued existence of the emergency government and the partnership between Likud and Blue and White.
The unity government has expanded Israel's public and international legitimacy for the war. A decision now regarding the day after would be tantamount to destroying the government – which is expected to be short-lived in any event. Its continued existence is vital at this time.
Only after achieving the two main goals of the war will be the time for public debate of the day after, and it should be handled incrementally. After all, Israel will not hurry to exit Gaza, and even according to the version of those who pin hopes on the PA, this is a corrupt and hostile-to-Israel body that requires far-reaching reform, which also requires time.
The government and the army need to focus now on one thing: to fully utilize the almost unlimited political capital they have and not settle for anything less than a resounding victory that includes eliminating Hamas, its leadership, and military and governmental capabilities; returning all the captives; destroying all terrorist infrastructure and removing the rocket threat on Israel. After all that is achieved, the talk of the day after will commence. Currently, this only undercuts the goals of the war.
