Yom Kippur is traditionally a time for soul-searching and seeking forgiveness – two virtues that seem strikingly absent from the Israeli public sphere as the new year begins.
The examples span from everyday individuals to the highest echelons of leadership. Recent days alone have provided several stark cases, from the outrageous efforts of Lt. Col. A., the intelligence officer for the Gaza Division (the IDF unit responsible for the border region) on October 7, to remain in his post and suppress the publication of his name, to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has yet to accept responsibility for the greatest catastrophe in the nation's history.
Even the Friday evening meeting between Sheli Mashal-Yogev, the mother of Libby who was murdered at the Nova music festival where hundreds were massacred on Oct. 7, and former Military Intelligence Directorate head Maj. Gen. (res.) Aharon Haliva, was agonizing to witness. While Haliva did assume responsibility, resigned, and explicitly used the word "sorry," he should have adopted a far less patronizing tone when addressing a bereaved mother.
During his speech launching the Likud (the ruling right-wing party) election campaign Thursday evening, Netanyahu declared that the State of Israel was saved from annihilation. This is an infuriating statement, and not merely because it is factually incorrect; there is zero evidence that any of Israel's enemies possessed the capability to wipe it out or were even close to doing so. Yet, if Netanyahu insists on this narrative, one must ask who served as prime minister – and therefore bore the ultimate responsibility – over the 15 years preceding the war, allowing Israel's adversaries to inch dangerously close to such a capability.
The US is the backbone of our defense policy
The national security discourse demands far more rigor than what is currently seen in Israel. Not only does this issue monopolize the conversation and sideline critical pre-election debates – from education, internal security, and traffic accidents to the soaring cost of living – but it is also infected by a brand of populism that actively undermines national security. The examples are abundant, ranging from ministers whose reckless statements inflict massive collateral damage on Israel's global standing, easily eclipsing the destruction depicted in the film of the same name (the 2026 Venice Film Festival film NAZA), to the deliberate promotion of fringe ideas like voluntarily rejecting American security aid and searching for alternative superpower alliances.
The US is not merely another ally for Israel; it is the bedrock of its national security policy. While Israel has cultivated strategic partnerships over the decades – with South Africa in the distant past, later with Turkey, and more recently with India, Singapore, and the UAE – none can replace Washington. The reasons are multifold, stemming from American dominance on the world stage, its permanent UN Security Council membership, its readiness to project force globally, the strong Jewish influence within it, and the deep intimacy of the bilateral diplomatic-security alliance. At its core, of course, is the $38 billion security assistance over the past decade and America's unique willingness to supply Israel with advanced weaponry.
The current frustration with Washington, highlighted by reports of Israel seeking new strategic anchors in India and Germany, is remarkably childish. The US – and President Donald Trump in particular – balance complex interests that extend far beyond Israel's borders. These broader considerations drive decisions to weigh military action against the Houthis and Iran, or to sell advanced stealth fighters to Saudi Arabia. Israel possesses numerous levers to influence American policy, but if a crisis strikes, New Delhi and Berlin will not rush to its defense. Ultimately, Israel must decide whether it wants to project the image of a feared neighborhood bully or a battered child desperately pleading for help.
The Middle East, much like the rest of the globe, is a web of often-conflicting interests. For nearly eight decades, Israel navigated this labyrinth with extraordinary skill, seamlessly shifting between military force, overt diplomacy, and clandestine operations, backed by robust public advocacy, intelligence gathering, and technological supremacy.
Since October 7, however, Israel has relied almost exclusively on hammers, intentionally or inadvertently neglecting its broader strategic toolkit. The agonizing complexity of the current reality should have driven the nation back to its fundamentals, imparted a harsh lesson in humility, and sparked profound soul-searching. Worryingly, and despite Yom Kippur, it is highly doubtful this will happen during the current period leading up to the elections.
