The current morbidity rates indicate relatively high infection rates in some ultra-Orthodox and Arab communities. Both groups are unique and thus diverge from mainstream Israeli society, such that handling outbreaks in their towns, neighborhoods, and villages requires a modicum of cultural adaptation that takes into account their respective beliefs, ways of life, and social baggage. And no, it isn't simply a matter of translating to Yiddish or Arabic.
Arab society, for example, is characterized by a dominant collective approach. A decision on whether to hold a funeral restricted to under 20 people, for instance, poses a complex challenge in Arab society which sadly, on more than one occasion, has led to disobeying safety directives.
Life in Arab society isn't always dictated by the nuclear family, rather the father's original family. In this family circle, there are often more than 20 people, and frequently they live in one communal compound.
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A gathering of mourners in Arab society are larger than in secular Jewish society and include second-degree relatives, such as uncles and cousins. This is also acknowledged in civil service regulations and by the army. Religious ceremonies such as prayer services and funerals create, therefore, complex challenges. This is true within Haredi society as well, which is also predicated on an emphasized sense of collectivism and obedience to rabbis.
Bnei Brak and Deir al-Assad are examples of unique places that necessitate culture-specific policies to prevent the spread of the disease. Alongside their differences, they are also similar in some ways: Large families and congestion that make it very difficult to enforce a home-based quarantine, certainly in comparison to small families living in large apartments.
The quarantine policies in these places have been updated, and rightfully so. This week I visited Deir al-Assad and heard from the hard-working mayor about the actions being taken and cooperation with the IDF's Home Front Command. We all saw IDF soldiers in Bnei Brak, and suddenly the term "people's army" took on new meaning, but we will leave that for another column.
Policies must also be specifically tailored for the periphery to address the specific problems in those areas. Public transportation in the periphery, for example, is relatively meager and is based more on buses and less on cabs. There are only three bus lines a day connecting the Golan Heights to the Ziv Medical Center in Safed. In certain Arab villages in the area, the situation is even worse, and the schedule of the one operating bus line often dictates the waiting times at the hospital. Policymakers must account for these unique limitations and show an understanding for the particular conditions in these areas. Instead of shutting down buses, they should consider adding more so each bus has fewer passengers to facilitate adequate social distancing.
The mechanism for these adaptions, cultural and geographic, depends, in my opinion, on the various government representatives on the district level and their level of cooperation with the local authorities. These officials represent the arm of the central government, operationally and conceptually. We have a tiny country but many different cultures, and inequalities between the periphery and center also exist. These issues necessitate the implementation of mechanisms for creating adaptive policies that determine restrictions and permissions, and which will foster the public's cooperation and ensure the effectiveness of the steps being taken.
