Israel Hayom is a media organization founded on the belief that the Israeli public deserves better journalism—more balanced, more accurate, and more reliable. Journalism that speaks rather than shouts. Journalism that is trustworthy, objective, and matter-of-fact. A different kind of journalism, offered free of charge. The first print edition was published on July 30, 2007, and in 2010 Israel Hayom became the Israeli newspaper with the highest weekday readership. The newspaper’s publisher is Dr. Miriam Adelson. Its Editor-in-Chief is Omar Lachmanovitch, and its founding editor is Amos Regev. Israel Hayom’s Hebrew and English websites, as well as its Android and iOS applications, provide around-the-clock news coverage, exclusive content, breaking news and updates, analysis and commentary, video, podcasts, and live broadcasts. The digital platforms of Israel Hayom include news and opinion channels covering culture and entertainment, lifestyle, technology, sports, business and consumer affairs, health, military affairs, food, Judaism, tourism, and automobiles. In 2021, a new Hebrew-language website and mobile application were launched to provide users with a fast, up-to-date, secure, and convenient experience. The content of the newspaper’s print edition is also available online through a daily digital edition and can be received via newsletter. “The Israel Hayom Clique,” the publication’s exclusive benefits club, offers website users discounts and special promotions on products and services. Israel Hayom welcomes feedback, criticism, and suggestions for improvement from its readers. You can contact the organization by email at hayom@israelhayom.co.il

Yossi Beilin

Dr. Yossi Beilin is a veteran Israeli politician who has served in multiple ministerial positions representing the Labor and Meretz parties.

Resolution runs through the PA, not Hamas

In recent conversations with figures from pragmatic Arab countries, with whom we are happy to share open and valued relations, I found myself in the bizarre situation of being "scolded" over Israel's strange relationship with Hamas. I tried explaining that reality often leads our decision makers to unimagined places, where there is no simple, reasonable solution to the conflict between us and Hamas. It appears, however, that my explanations failed to ease their minds.

They have a serious problem with Hamas and its expanding ties with Iran, their detested foe. And they have a problem with Qatar, which they are boycotting. They cannot understand why Israel, of all countries, opened a channel of communication with Hamas, granting the organization legitimacy. And they can't understand why Qatar – through Israel – is becoming a key player in Gaza, despite being sanctioned by its neighbors. If Iran is indeed Israel's main enemy, why is the Netanyahu government granting it these two gifts?

My counterparts voiced considerable criticism of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, but they all championed regional cooperation against Hamas to force it to accept the PA's conditions and come to terms with PA control over Gaza and its border crossings; and agree to a series of initiatives to help the people of Gaza, including work permits for individuals who Israel doesn't view as security threats.

Israel is paying a steep price for the policy which seeks to separate the West Bank and Gaza. It not only contradicts Israel's contractual commitment to a joint diplomatic solution for both territories but runs counter to our own obvious interest of joining forces with the pragmatic segment of the Arab world and mitigating the extremist, radical side affiliated with Iran. The most overt expression of the unofficial cooperation between Israel and Hamas is the suitcases of cash Israel allowed Qatar to give Hamas, in the knowledge that it's impossible to prevent some of the money from being used for terrorist purposes against us.

The American administration's push to cut vital portions of the PA's budget, including important economic and educational initiatives to encourage Palestinian support for peace, while facilitating the transfer of Qatari funds to Hamas, is a clear contravention of the Israeli interest. The missiles fired at central Israel were a blunt reminder that the option of real cooperation with Hamas doesn't exist.

The unilateral withdrawal from Gaza was part of then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's plan to sever the connection between Gaza and the West Bank, effectively creating a de facto state in Gaza – in violation of the agreement with the PLO. It didn't work. The attempt to come to terms with Hamas, outside the bounds of understanding with the PA, will also fail.

The solution doesn't lie in a cynical arrangement with Hamas, nor in any sort of military operation, but in true engagement in dialogue with the PLO within or outside the framework of Trump's peace plan, discontinuing the PA's economic dependence and demands on Israel and acting – with the help of pragmatic Arab countries – to pressure Hamas into accepting the PLO's leadership.

Related Posts