For the past decade or more of Benjamin Netanyahu's time in office, he has faced a steady stream of criticism from senior Likud officials – but only behind closed doors and in off-the-record conversations with journalists. Those same officials, often presiding ministers appointed by Netanyahu himself, enjoyed voicing their critiques while knowing they wouldn't have to pay a price. The criticism was conveyed as the identity of the attacker remained protected. From their perspective, this was always a win-win situation.
The reason for attacking anonymously was less because they feared Netanyahu and more because they feared the card-carrying Likud supporters and members of the party's Central Committee. These are the people who decide the political fates of MK's and ministers in the party's primaries.
Follow Israel Hayom on Facebook and Twitter
Many of those who assailed Netanyahu benefited from it. Others, those who crossed the line, found themselves at home. There's a fine line between the two, and skilled politicians in the Likud know where it lies and how not to cross it.
Gideon Sa'ar is one of the more skilled politicians, but this doesn't mean he can't cross a certain line. Netanyahu is fighting for his political life and personal liberty, but no less than that he is howling the cry of many in his camp.
In the wake of Thursday's indictment, the atmosphere in Likud has been turbulent. The smugness of the television pundits, noticeably overcome with joy, the thought that the Left could be gifted power by Liat Ben-Ari, Shai Nitzan and Roni Alsheikh – or that at the very least it could celebrate Netanyahu's downfall sans democratic elections – is driving Likud supporters mad.
In the party primaries, they will vote for Netanyahu without hesitation, rally in the squares on his behalf and jump on the proverbial grenade for him.
Benny Gantz's outline for a national unity government aims directly at appeasing Blue and White's political base. The more extreme left cannot stomach the notion of any cooperation with Likud – not just with Netanyahu, but with Miri Regev, Amir Ohana and Miki Zohar.
From their point of view, this entire group is an illegitimate partner. Gantz isn't angling for their support, nor is he targeting those Likud voters who still believe Netanyahu will one day bring them another government.
And even if he can't, Netanyahu jumping ship now or waving the white flag could have far-reaching implications for the entire right-wing camp. Taking into account the general sense that law-enforcement organs helped topple the prime minister of the Right with exceedingly dubious charges, it stands to reason that when the next leader runs amok they will do the same to him.
The fact that those in the Attorney General's circle are weighing the option of prohibiting Netanyahu from receiving the president's mandate to form the next government, which essentially means dismissal before the trial, is only further proof of this.
