Relations between the Israeli and American administrations are currently quite close. This was clearly apparent in the body language of both U.S. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Davos last week, when the two met at the World Economic Forum.
Even if their views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are not identical, and even if they both know there is a price to be paid for their closeness, it is imperative that this be harnessed toward diplomatic efforts over the next two years. Every day that goes by without trying to change the current situation is a day wasted.
The Israelis and the Americans differ in their attitudes toward the two-state solution, toward the Palestinian negotiating partner, toward settlement construction, and toward the likelihood of a permanent peace agreement at this time. Trump keeps reiterating that he expects certain concessions that Netanyahu's government will not be thrilled about.
The cost of this close relationship is clear: Israel is identified with Trump and his administration more than with any other state in the world. American Jews, however, mostly disagree with many of Trump's policies. Most vote for the Democratic Party and its candidates, and define themselves as liberal. The Israeli government's support for Trump drove a wedge between many American Jews and Israel. This support also distances the Democratic Party from Israel. A recent Pew Research Center poll found a 50% gap between broad Republican support and diminished Democratic support for Israel. We are likely to pay a dear price for this if one of the houses of Congress flips this coming November and the Democrats win a majority, or if a Democrat wins the presidency in the coming years.
Since Israel is already paying the price for strong American support, the Israeli government should ask itself how to maximize the benefits. Sadly, the efforts are currently focused mainly on "managing" the conflict rather than resolving it – essentially maintaining the status quo – and applauding every positive remark on Israel and the Jewish people. With all due respect for positive remarks, they are not enough to ensure that Israel remains a Jewish and democratic state well into the future – something that should be Israel's top priority.
Netanyahu knows the demographic danger well. He frequently says he does not want Israel to become a binational state. It was for good reason that he backtracked on his strong opposition to the establishment of a Palestinian state and even went as far as to publicly support the two-state solution in his June 2009 speech at Bar-Ilan University. He understands that the problem is only becoming worse, and no matter how much you manipulate the numbers, nothing will change the facts. Something needs to be done.
He did not like the way the Obama administration dealt with the issue, and considered it biased in favor of the Palestinian side.
However, if he genuinely believes that the Trump administration is the friendliest American administration toward Israel in history, it is his duty to take full advantage of this and advance our national interests with it.
But Netanyahu is unwilling to pay the price that the entire world understands has to be paid for peace. He is not willing to accept a Palestinian capital in east Jerusalem; he is not willing to accept a solution that would grant a small number of Palestinians free entry into Israel; he is not willing to accept borders based on the Green Line with mutual land swaps.
But no Palestinian leader will agree to any deal that lacks these principles.
If Netanyahu is unwilling to pay the price that peace entails, but is also unwilling to live with the Palestinians in a binational state (in which the Jewish majority would likely soon become a minority), he cannot afford not to take advantage of the American support to withdraw unilaterally from Palestinian territory, while working out all the nitty-gritty details.
In my opinion, it is possible to reach a peace agreement with the Palestinian Liberation Organization, headed by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
However, if Netanyahu prefers to go down the path of his late predecessor Ariel Sharon and unilaterally withdraw, I will find myself reluctantly supporting him, because both the Zionist Right and Left are interested in demarcating a border. The true test of American friendship is the willingness of the administration to support us in freeing ourselves of the greatest strategic threat facing the State of Israel: losing its unique Jewish and democratic character.
