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The talks to resolve the judicial crisis are about our very survival as a collective

Israeli society is facing a "To be or not to be?" moment. We simply have no other option but to ensure that the negotiations under the president's mediation culminate with success.

by  Omer Lachmanovitch
Published on  03-31-2023 11:47
Last modified: 03-31-2023 12:28
The talks to resolve the judicial crisis are about our very survival as a collectiveYossi Zeliger

Protesters demonstrate against the proposed judicial reform, March 2023 | Photo: Yossi Zeliger

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The current atmosphere is constantly in flux. It's almost sad to recall the prevailing sentiment just several months ago when Israelis were gearing up for yet another Knesset election. On Nov. 1, when the polls opened, Israel Hayom's front page headline read "Vote, decide." This captured the essence of what the voters were feeling: apathy, despair, and stress after four inconclusive elections. 

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There was a desire for the vote to end with a clear winner so that the political morass could finally end. We wanted to embark on a new path, where the term "governability" would no longer just apply to security or bureaucratic red tape but also our very mindset: that we will finally have elected officials in Jerusalem who would have a clear mandate to pursue their policies in good faith. 

These wishes were realized: The right-wing bloc garnered 64 seats in the Knesset. Many are still trying to overlook this, but it became abundantly clear over the following two weeks that the doubts were finally removed as to which camp won. Even on the Left, people conceded that this time around, the elections had consequences. This universal agreement soon dissipated carelessly and with brutal disregard for the election outcome. 

The negotiations to form a governing coalition in the Knesset were imbued with mutual hostilities to a fault – even in Israeli terms. And even once a government was finally sworn in, the Coalition MKs started squandering the precious capital they had earned in the ballot box: insulting tweets; embarrassing gaffes that had to be corrected; and bills that simply ignored the public's interest. This is the tragic tale of this government: After finally achieving a clear majority to set Israel on a clear political path, the government has done everything it could to throw it out the window and only exacerbated Israel's political instability. 

The announcement of the judicial reform bills came against this backdrop, making Israel's political situation all the more fragile. The proposals were justified by claims of political persecution rather than on the merits of a much-needed overhaul of the judiciary. The Coalition had to choose between being smart over correct, but it felt it could be both at the same time. 

Supporters of the judicial reform demonstrate in Jerusalem, March, 2023 (Photo: Reuters / Ilan Rosenberg) Reuters / Ilan Rosenberg

As a result, Israel's public discourse was inundated by the most existential questions at record speed. The ordeal of the past several months has been that of division, fragmentation, polarization, and a lack of discourse that has had us talk past each other, with everyone just building walls around each other. Every Israeli household and workplace felt this; every community and social class. The overwhelming sense of angst has taken over our collective national mindset, a collective psyche where we might have a whole gamut of ideas and diverging opinions but normally unite around an accepted narrative that cannot be undone. This angst has compromised Israelis' ability to function; it hurts the proper functioning of the Israeli state institutions. 

Our collective thread is unraveling beneath our feet. The IDF disobedience genie is out, having gained legitimacy. This was a radical move by the protesters; they should have never gone to such a scary place. We must pray that this aberration is short-lived and that the damage can be undone. Just recently, we have seen how this led to a new counter-reaction in which the Right calls itself "second class". This sort of populist pigeonholing is both insulting and maligns a whole section of society. The representatives of the majority in a democracy have the right to make dramatic decisions even if this impacts the minority that still holds power in key foci – the financial sector, the defense establishment, and academia –  but class disadvantage does not give it a waiver from acting in a responsible manner that would persevere our national and social fabric. Preventing a permanent chasm that could spell disaster is a moral imperative of this government. 

The past several days, and more so since the legislation was frozen and talks began at the President's Residence, have allowed us to get a bird's-eye view of the situation. The dust has hardly settled; the temporary calm has only served as a bad omen for what's to come. For now, both sides appear to be lacking seriousness in the negotiations. Genuine discourse must involve the shedding of narcissist tendencies that have you solely focused on your own point of view and convictions. It must involve looking at the other side and listening to what they believe in. If that is not done in good faith, it is dead on arrival. 

Israeli society is facing a "To be or not to be?" moment. The collective effort we undertook for 75 years as a nation is under threat and is constantly shaken; a real danger to our society is lurking. But this is also a reason for optimism. The Jewish and Zionist experience has always been one of constant danger to our very existence. Survival is a must, and saving the Zionist enterprise is the task we face. Israelis simply have no other option but to ensure that the talks under the president's mediation culminate with success. This is a battle where all of us must emerge from standing on our two feet. We may be dealt great losses in the process, but we will at least emerge alive – and together. 

Omer Lachmanovitch is the editor-in-chief of Israel Hayom.

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Tags: Isaac HerzogIsraelJudicial Reform

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